Mid-Ulster Coalition

“Deal Breaker” An Analysis of the DUP Deal by Moore Holmes (long read 4mins)

The DUP deal does not address in full the fundamental issues Unionists have been raising about the Protocol since 2019.

The Irish Sea Border still exists. Customs infrastructure and processes remain in effect when moving trade from Great Britain into Northern Ireland. The Acts of Union are still under duress and nothing within this new deal restores the “equal footing” trade dimension at the heart of the Union itself.

The sovereignty issue has also not been put to bed. Foreign European Union law continues to apply in Northern Ireland, although not automatically, without any confident means of redressing it. The Stormont Brake does “give Northern Ireland a say,” but the greater say rests with the European Union. A veto is on the table for future new or amended EU law, but you must climb a political mountain to use it, and even then, you still may not stop it.

Without discounting any of the above, and despite the impressively fast and forceful critique of the DUP’s deal by others, I do think it is a mistake to dismiss some of the real and potential progress that has been made. I use the word “potential” because the main selling point behind Sir Jeffrey’s deal is still to be rubber stamped.

If the government deliver on their commitment to remove all checks and customs paperwork when moving goods via the UK Internal Market System (pending Joint Committee approval), that will represent progress. The Irish Sea Border will still exist, but it would do so in a limited capacity, less than what it did before. That is the very definition of progress.

The UK Internal Market Guarantee is also a welcome stabilisation mechanism to ensure most of the trade flowing from Great Britain to Northern Ireland goes through the streamlined channel. Again however, there is no legal guarantee that this is going to happen, and like the removal of checks, it remains subject to European Union approval via the Joint Committee.

There is an unsettling degree of uncertainty looming over these commitments, which makes it strange they were so integral to the DUP’s rationale for returning to Stormont. Time will tell if these pledges come true, and if they do not, the DUP will be accountable for it.

The East-West Council, InterTrade UK, various Working Groups, and the Independent Monitoring Panel are promising instruments which can and must be utilised to not only examine the impact of the Irish Sea Border, but also to stifle it. They can be used to promote and protect Northern Ireland’s, albeit already impaired, trading relationship with Great Britain. These mechanisms would be foolish to forfeit. If you really mean the cry is “No Surrender,” then Unionism must now occupy these arenas and continue the fight using what is available to them.

Of course, none of the mitigations negate how ludicrous it is that they are even required in the first place - nor can they actually remove the Irish Sea Border in its totality.

The entire package of DUP measures is an exercise in damage limitation, and the cost of securing these mitigations is to tacitly accept and implement the very infrastructure Unionism has been so vehemently opposed to. It is a bitter pill for Unionists to swallow and many, quite understandably, still refuse to stomach it.

The harsh reality is that the DUP agreement is an attempt to salvage what one can from the constitutional and economic wreckage that is the Northern Ireland Protocol. They are convinced that staying out of Stormont has achieved all that it can and are now embarking upon the path of partial acceptance and operational obstructionism to the Irish Sea Border, all the while pushing for further change. They are certainly not traitors. They have pushed for as many concessions that I believe the political landscape will probably allow for.

It should also be remembered that the real “Surrender Deal” was negotiated not by the DUP, but by the British Government when they disavowed Northern Ireland to the European Union. Unionism has been picking up the pieces ever since.

How the DUP have went about landing the plane has also left a lot to be desired. Three unnecessary decisions have caused avoidable turbulence which are worth examining.

First, rather than being honest about their own shortcomings, which I think more Loyalists would have respected, they scored an own goal by pretending the deal meets a threshold that it evidently does not. The Irish Sea Border is still there and Sir Jeffrey’s claims to the contrary is an insult to the electorate.

Second, the speed at which the party spun the car around has also caused a stir. Within three days of the deal being published, a Speaker was nominated at Stormont. Rather than allowing time and space for scrutiny of the deal - a deal that has huge constitutional ramifications for the future - they have rushed back into Stormont like someone who just realised they left their kids at the supermarket.

Third, the legal advice received by the party to validate their return to Stormont has inexplicably and unjustifiably remained in the shadows. In the battle for hearts and minds, affirmative legal advice would have been to the DUP’s benefit. Why then have they not shared it? If it says what the DUP top brass claim it to say, it will go some way in assuaging their opponents. Why then did they withhold it? What use is a gun if you refuse to take out of the holster, unless of course, there are no bullets in it to begin with.

Frankly, the entire process reeks of political shock and awe and people are well within their right to highlight that.

Now that Stormont is resurrected, Unionism is entering a critical phase in its continued struggle against the Irish Sea Border. Sir Jeffrey Donaldson promised that he would not return to Stormont until the Irish Sea Border had been removed. That promise has now been broken.

It leaves us now a very divided community, with legitimate disagreements, and how we proceed into the future will have serious consequences for Unionism politically and electorally. A political civil war within Unionism will leave casualties on all sides, and only make our community more vulnerable in the longer term.

A word of warning to anyone who may want to demolish the DUP for their decision or dismiss Jim Allister for his objections. A unionism that eats itself alive, like some sort of sycophantic self-harming cannibal, will not strengthen the Union or safeguard it from future and further harm.

What we have, we hold. What we have lost, we must continue to fight for.

Fantastic turn out of Unionists in Markethill last night to sign the ‘Keep Your Word’ letter. Our request is simple: that our politicians keep their word, stand by their promises and continue to represent us on the basis of what they were elected to do- remove the Irish Sea Border.

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“We have not come this far, to only come this far” 🇬🇧

NO IRISH SEA BORDER!

Copy and Post

The simple reality of the NI Protocol/Windsor Framework.

Brought to you by a provocative and antagonistic Irish government, stubborn and vengeful European Commission, weak and naive Tory government.

Endorsed by the enemies of Northern Ireland, rejected by those who wish to protect Northern Ireland.

Today goods travelling from one part of the UK to another will be subject to checks and controls.

To those so called Unionists in London who have imposed this on the people of the United Kingdom, shame on you!

To those so called Unionists here in NI who seek a way to return to local government to implement the disgraceful Windsor Framework, shame on you!

Always a fantastic evening 👏🏻 🇬🇧

𝘾𝙊𝙀𝙍𝘾𝙀 - 𝘾𝙊𝙍𝙍𝙐𝙋𝙏 - 𝘾𝙊𝙉𝙏𝙍𝙊𝙇 - 𝙍𝙀𝙋𝙀𝘼𝙏

The Sinn Fein guide to gatekeeping power in Northern Ireland's statutory bodies and departments.

From threats of violence, to threats on democracy, policing and society.

No more political pandering required, now is the time to tell Sinn Fein that the shop is shut, their basket is full, and their credit limit has exceeded.

Together Northern Ireland says no to Sinn Fein corruption but yes to greater accountability and integrity within our institutions.

Vita Veritas Victoria 🇬🇧

SIEGE OF LONDONDERRY BROKEN

On this day, 28 July in 1689, the Siege of Londonderry was finally broken. Few people know the story of the Siege of Londonderry and the role of "the Apprentice Boys". Even fewer realise the debt that the United Kingdom owes to them.

Theirs is a crucial story in British history.

On 5 November 1688, William of Orange landed at Brixham in south west England and deposed James VII. James fled to France on 23 December, but plotted to take back the Crown. His plan was to use Ireland as his base, invade Scotland and from Scotland move on into England.

To get to Scotland he needed to take the port of Londonderry.

If he controlled the city he would have a direct route to Scotland and would command the essential staging post for his attempt to regain the British Crown.

Londonderry was also a major Protestant city. He had to capture it, otherwise it would be too dangerous to ship out from elsewhere while leaving his opponents in power behind him.

On 7 December 1688, the forces of James VII, who still controlled the rest of Ireland, reached Londonderry. There was confusion among some in the city as to the proper response against such an overwhelming military force.

Thankfully, it was "the 13 Apprentice Boys" who, realising the weakness of the city's leadership at the time, took matters into their own hands and famously slammed the gates shut on the advancing army.

They were:

Henry Campsie
William Crookshanks
Robert Sherrard
Daniel Sherrard
Alexander Irwin
James Steward
Robert Morrison
Alexander Cunningham
Samuel Hunt
James Spike
John Conningham
William Cairns
Samuel Harvey

This action was to reverberate down the centuries!

By the simple action of shutting the gates, they were, literally, to shut James out of the British Kingdom entirely, and change the course of British and world history.

If James's army had taken Londonderry, he would have been able to mount his assault on the mainland, and the history of Britain – and the world – could have been quite different.
We may never have had a United Kingdom!

The Siege was eventually broken, today, on 28 July 1689, when merchant ships – the Mountjoy and the Phoenix – with covering fire from HMS Dartmouth, and under the authority of William, sailed up the River Foyle to breach a timber boom which had been stretched across the river.

Shortly after, the besieging forces burned their camp and fled. William was to win the Battle of the Boyne in 1690, followed by Aughrim, and Limerick (both 1691), decisive battles which helped to secure the future for a United Kingdom, which was to follow on 1 May 1707.

However, without the decisive action of the Apprentice Boys on that winter's morning in 1688, our country, and the world, may well have come to look completely different!

Postscript: According to Wikipedia: "The name Derry is an anglicisation of the Irish name Daire or Doire meaning 'oak grove'. In 1613, the city was granted a Royal Charter by King James VI and gained the 'London' prefix to reflect the funding of its construction by the London guilds...According to the city's Royal Charter of 10 April 1662, the official name is 'Londonderry'.

“Vita Veritas Victoria” 🇬🇧

Well done to the Moygashel community. A perfect representation on their bonfire which perfectly articulates the feeling still within our community. 👏🇬🇧

Whatever you do today, get out and vote. Voting stations close at 10pm.

No party political broadcasts or attacks in the comments.

We can believe snake-oil salesman Sunak’s version of the ‘The Windsor Framework’, or we can believe a practicing barrister who graduated from Oxford. The stark reality is beyond damning.

Is Rishi Sunak's Brexit deal all it's cracked up to be? Rishi Sunak’s ‘deal’ on the Northern Ireland Protocol is finally out. My first impression is that it is no ‘deal’ at all: the version of the text published by the government is a document with no legal effect that is possible to enforce. It’s a wish list of vague commitments. The docum.....

https://www.newsletter.co.uk/news/opinion/letters/letter-windsor-framework-green-lane-is-a-mis-nomer-say-hauliers-4096307?fbclid=IwAR3MrYIpG6IMMNwNRvrhhNgt5y_x8NQ_vAu_Uj_OhpYQIQXWqV1InuNTR90

Letter: Windsor Framework - Green lane is a mis-nomer say hauliers A letter from Paul Jackson, Peter Summerton and Mark Tait

Media outlets this week will focus solely on those killed on bloody Sunday in the Bogside and the effect the killings had on the following years in Northern Ireland. What the media won’t give is any sort of context or background to the events of that day.

For instance, the media will not inform the public that between March 1971 and 30th January 1972, Republican terrorists had already murdered 52 British soldiers or that 3 days before the Provisional IRA under the command of Martin McGuinness executed two RUC officers in order to provoke a security service response in Londonderry.

Here is a list of those soldiers that you won’t see in the mainstream media this week:

1. Robert Curtis - Feb 6th, 1971

2. John Lawrie, Feb 15th, 1971.

3. William Jolliffe, March 1st, 1971

4. John McCaig, March 9th, 1971

5. Joseph McCaig, March 9th, 1971

6. Dougald McCaughey, March 9th, 1971

7. Kenneth Easthaugh, March 23rd, 1971

8. Robert Bankier, May 22nd, 1971

9. Michael Willetts, May 25th, 1971

10. David Walker, July 12th 1971.

11. Richard Barton, July 14th 1971.

12. Malcolm Hatton, August 9th 1971.

13. Winston Donnell, August 9th, 1971

14. Paul Challenor, August 10 1971.

15. John Robinson, August 23 1971.

16. George Crozier, August 23 1971

17. Ian Armstrong, August 29 1971.

18. Clifford Loring, August 31 1971.

19. Francis Veitch, September 3 1971

20. John Warnock, September 6th 1971

21. Daniel Stewardson, September 9th 1971.

22. Martin Leonard Carroll, September 14th 1971.

23. Paul Carter, September 14th 1971

24. John Rudman, September 14th 1971

25. Peter Harrington, September 16th 1971

26. Peter Sharp, October 1st 1971.

27. Brian Hall, October 4th 1971.

28. Roger Wilkins, October 11th 1971

29. Joseph Hill, October 16th 1971

30. Graham Cox, October 17th 1971

31. George Hamilton, October 17th 1971

32. Angus Stephens, October 27th 1971

33. David Tilbury, October 27th 1971

34. David Powell, October 28th 1971

35. Norman Booth, October 28th, 1971

36. Ian Docherty, October 31st 1971

37. Stephen McGuire, November 4th 1971

38. Paul Genge, November 7th 1971

39. Ian Curtis, November 9th 1971

40. Edwin Charnley, November 18th 1971

41. Colin Davies, November 24th 1971

42. Paul Nicholls, November 27th 1971

43. Robert Benner, November 28th 1971

44. Denis Wilson, December 1st 1971

45. Jeremy Snow, December 8th 1971

46. Sean Russell, December 8th 1971

47. Kenneth Smyth, December 10th 1971

48. Anthony Aspinwall, December 17th 1971

49. Richard Ham, December 29th, 1971

50. Keith Bryan, January 5th 1972

51. Maynard Crawford, January 13th 1972

52. Charles Stentiford, January 21st 1972

Lest We Forget

NI Protocol: Major report into state of medicines in the UK shows Northern Ireland drifting apart from GB A major report into medicines in the UK has found evidence that Northern Ireland is diverging from Great Britain in terms of the drugs that are available.

Rishi Sunak - Chris Heaton-Harris MP

Less Blackmail, more action. Scrap the NI Protocol

Sir Jeffrey Donaldson MP

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They shall grow not old, as we that are left grow old:
Age shall not weary them, nor the years condemn.
At the going down of the sun and in the morning,
We will remember them.

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Happy Reformation Day ⛪️

Today is the 505th anniversary of Martin Luther's actions at Wittenberg prompting the beginning of the Protestant Reformation which remade Christianity in the West.

On Oct. 31, 1517, Martin Luther is said to have nailed his 95 Theses to the wooden doors of the local church in Wittenberg, Germany. In his theses, Luther attacked the Catholic church’s corruption and the indulgence-for-sale system that had grown popular.

The impact of Martin Luther and the Protestant Reformation has been enormous on global Christianity. In contrast to the extra-biblical traditions and works-based practices of Roman Catholicism, Luther called the Church back to the good news of salvation by grace alone through faith alone (Ephesians 2:8-9).

Luther believed the Word of God was the supreme authority for the Christian faith, rather than tradition or papal decrees. In the process of bringing the Scriptures to the common person, Luther translated the Bible into German, published numerous books and sermons of biblical teachings, and composed numerous hymns based on biblical themes. Many of his hymns are still sung today.

Luther was brought to trial before the church, and the court attempted to force him to recant. Luther’s response is often quoted: “I cannot choose but adhere to the Word of God, which has possession of my conscience; nor can I possibly, nor will I even make any recantation, since it is neither safe nor honest to act contrary to conscience! Here I stand; I cannot do otherwise, so help me God! Amen.”

From Germany, the Protestant Reformation expanded through Europe, influencing the work of John Calvin in Geneva, Ulrich Zwingli in Zurich, and John Knox in Scotland. The Reformation Luther led also sparked the Anabaptist (free church) movement and the English Reformation. These movements, in turn, influenced the spread of Christianity to the Americas and throughout the world where European exploration took place. South Africa, India, Australia, and New Zealand all felt the impact of Luther’s hammer in Wittenberg.

Robert Rothwell has noted, “Today, Luther’s legacy lives on in the creeds and confessions of Protestant bodies worldwide. As we consider his importance this Reformation Day, let us equip ourselves to be knowledgeable proclaimers and defenders of biblical truth. May we be eager to preach the Gospel of God to the world and thereby spark a new reformation of church and culture.”

Reformation Day remains a central rallying point for all of those who choose to follow Christ by faith according to His Word. The holiday commemorates the actions of a man who was willing to stand against the ideas of his day and to present God’s Word as our guide for salvation (John 3:16) and Christian living.

The reformation was and still is about the Lord.

“In short, I will preach it, teach it, write it, but I will constrain no one by force, for faith must come freely without compulsion. Take myself as an example. I opposed indulgences and all the papists, but never with force. I simply taught, preached and wrote God’s Word; otherwise I did nothing. And while I slept, or drank Wittenberg beer with my friends Philipp and Amsdorf, the Word … did everything.”

Dear Unionist Party Leader,

I have been asked to write to you on behalf of the undersigned unionist and loyalist coalitions, and the Loyalist Communities Council which together represent a vast
number of grassroots unionists and loyalists across Northern Ireland.

As the threat of an election looms, we feel it important to re-iterate our view that there can be no weakening or 'backsliding on the clear and
unambiguous commitments made to our community by political unionism in relation to the Protocol, and its impact upon the political and peace process.

There should be absolutely no confusion as to what is required in order to preserve the peace and political stability that we have all come to enjoy post 1998.

In summary, any solution to the Protocol requires the following:

• The full restoration of Article VI of the Acts of Union. We endorse the view of the late Lord Trimble: *the Act of Union is the Union". The restoration of Article VI requires that Northern Ireland no longer be subject to EU law or the jurisdiction of the European Court of Justice. It follows that NI being in the EU single market whilst the rest of the UK is not, is incompatible with the 'equal footing' guarantee in Article VI.

• The principle of consent put on a reformed statutory footing in a manner which reflects the basis upon which unionism and loyalism agreed to the Belfast Agreement; namely that the principle of consent operated to protect the substance rather than merely the symbolism of Northern Ireland's constitutional status. For the avoidance of all doubt,
'constitutional status' must be taken to encompass the Acts of Union.

• A clear statutory protection to ensure that any regulations to replace the Protocol's present provisions, made pursuant to the provisions of the Northern Ireland Protocol Bill, must be compatible with the Acts of Union.

In the absence of these clear tests being satisfied, there is no basis for power sharing in Northern Ireland and the grassroots unionist and loyalist community are firmly united behind this message.

A solution that merely reduces, or even completely eradicates, Irish Sea border checks is insufficient.

The checks are a symptom of the fundamental constitutional incompatibility of the Protocol, which is occasioned by NI being left subject to EU law and effectively. as set out by McCloskey LJ in Allister et al: more in the EU...than the UK".

Further, we have significant concerns that our Unionist Leaders are seemingly welcoming Irish Government Ministers to Northern Iroland and engaging with them
on Strand 1 (internal NI) issues.

It can not be forgotten how Messrs Varadkar and Coveney used the threat of IRA bombs for political levorage.

The anger and offence to the many victims of Republican bombing campaigns, caused by this irresponsible rhetoric, not
only persists, but continues to increase and we are yet to receive any apology or sign of contrition from the Irish Government.

The continued presence of Irish Government Ministers parading around Northern Ireland continues to inflame anger and tension in loyalist communities, and we would strongly urge that unionist political leaders make clear that the Irish Government should not be visiting Northern Ireland whilst the Protocol remains, unless and until there is a significant change of attitude and recognition of the legitimate interests of the unionist and loyalist community.

In addition, the recent suggestions from Sin Fein and Alliance as to joint-authority has raised tensions yet further.

All our activists are working tirelessly within local communities to restrain loyalists from lashing out in unproductive ways.

This work is being made extremely difficult when it is now suggested that the whole basis of peace and the Belfast Agreement, namely the principle of consent, is to be even further overridden by imposing upon the unionist community joint-authority as a punishment for daring to demand equality under the Agreement.

It is difficult to put into words the tension which this has created, and we would hope unionist leaders would send a clear and unequivocal message in regards to this issue.

The message from loyalism should be heard and understood clearly: there are. no circumstances in which joint-authority would be tolerated, and any effort to impose it would inevitably have dire consequences for the progress made from 1994. onwards..

In such circumstances, loyalist activists who have worked tirelessly for peace (even in the most trying of circumstances, such as the injustice of the Protocol) would be powerless to prevent an unprecedented reaction.

It would greatly assist our efforts at maintaining stability if our government can firmly reject any move towards joint authority, as they have had to do on previous occasions.

Finally, we would urge strong unionist co-operation throughout any snap election which may be called, with all unionist candidates firmly behind the message that the choice is a binary one: power sharing or the Protocol.

The failure to co-operate in May led directly to Sinn Fein becoming the largest Party. This can not be allowed to be repeated.

There can be no return to Stormont whilst the Protocol remains in place.

Yours faithfully.

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At a Northern Ireland Affairs Committee meeting today, the SDLP’s Claire Hanna asked PSNI Assistant Chief Constable, Mark McEwan, if he was “aware of anyone linked to paramilitary organisations, who were involved in events billed as peaceful (Unionist and Loyalist Coalition) protests earlier this year.”

The ACC responded that “there may be members of those Coalitions that have links to paramilitary groups, absolutely.”

It is therefore important for us to ask, are ex-combatants not entitled to stand with their community, encompassing (eg) the Loyal Orders, Churches, historical groups, marching bands and individual, loyal men and women, during peaceful anti-Protocol protests?

Let’s not forget, among others, Claire Hanna herself was on the “await Republican ‘civil disobedience’ bandwagon”, during Brexit discussions surrounding a hard border / customs posts.

We would remind Claire Hanna that the Unionist and Loyalist Coalitions are made up from a large cross-section of the PUL community, and as such, community led, the Coalitions have solidly promoted and practiced, entirely peaceful methods during all UK wide anti-NI Protocol protests.

To attempt to sully the efforts and debase the good name of the Coalitions, is nothing short of reprehensible.

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