The power of Criminologist

Insha Allah by 2024 we're going to upgrade this Page🙏

CONSEQUENCES OF DABA ACTIVITIES

The following are some of the underpinning consequences of Yan Daba activities

Arising from the Yan Daba activities was the issue of insecurity. Therefore, Security can simply

be defined as a measure that ensures peaceful co-existence, stability and orderliness, that

guarantees the absence of fear, threats, anxiety, tension and the apprehension of losing life,

liberty, property or other important goals and values. According to Aja (1999:31), “a nation is

secure to the extent that it is not in a position to lose core values, lives, properties and liberties

and if it wishes to deter aggression or win war when it is unavoidable”. Therefore, the security

concept provides for an enabling environment or atmosphere of good socio-political orderliness

in a system. In other words, the relationship between lives, services rendered and security is very

important. It serves as a protective measure, medium, substance and shield or insulator of life

from all other dangerous sectors, in order to achieve its ultimate goals and values. Waever (1995) associates the concept of security threat to security problems that undermine the

security of any nation or community and relates it to various “developments that threaten the

sovereignty or independence of a state in a particularly rapid or dramatic fashion and deprive it

of the capacity to manage by itself, this in turn undercuts the political order. Such a threat must

therefore be met with the mobilisation of the maximum effort (Waever, 1995: 54). Similarly, a

security threat can be described as the capacity of any human or non-human element to destroy

the vital interests of others considered as targets.

Daba violence, especially in urban cities in Nigeria, has shown that hundreds of people, mostly

youths, have been killed, many injured and property worth millions of Naira destroyed. These

incidents have drained the state treasury and slowed down social-economic

FACTORS OF 'YAN DABA
act became the first victims as it happened during the April, 2011 post-election violence in
various states in the north. Electoral corruption includes purchase of votes with money, promises
of office or special favors, coercion, intimidation, and interference with freedom of election and
the northern region is a good example where this practice is common. Votes are bought, people
are killed in the name of election while, losers end up as the winners in elections, and votes turn
up in areas where votes were not cast.
To this end, corruption as alleged is pandemic in the north and among the northerners simply of
the believed that they constantly in control of political landscape of the country. Most of the
fraudulent excises occurred in various ministries and agencies are with the collaboration of the
northerners. Corruption therefore, is a behavior which deviates from the formal duties of a public
role, because of private gains through Personal and close family, private clique, status gains
regardless of its implications.
Similarly, poverty leading to widening gap between the ruled and the rulers has resulted has also
contributed to rising of violent crimes in Nigeria. The classes have widened and the condition of
the exploited workers alike have deteriorated so badly that almost all the social structures in the
country have collapsed. The increased incidence and intensity of undisciplined behavior have
reached a conspicuous mark as once lamented by Achebe that more than 60% of the Nigerian
wealth was consumed through corruption from 1979-1983 of the second Republic. What Achebe
concluded is not far from what is obtainable in the present dispensation. Accordingly, some
quotas in Nigeria have been described as the most corrupt and endemic society. However, it is
not peculiar to any region and ethnic group but rather the entire country. Although, it is more
conspicuous in some areas and it cuts across faiths

Factors Responsible for the Resurgence of Daba Activities
Historically, political violence in Nigeria can be traced to the legacies of the trans-Saharan and
trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism in Africa, in which societies were rampaged and
ravaged through numerous invasions and invaders (Ngaji, 2003). Furthermore, (Ngaji, 2003)
stated that between 1951 and 1960, the Nigeria state was regionalized into three major groups:
the North, the East and the West. These regions were carved out based on cultural and ethnic
considerations. However, some ethnic groups within the regions began to dominate the political
economy of their respective regions due their numerical strength. This has further given rise to
ethnic sentiments and the distinction within the provincial strata became very apparent, thus
calumniating to the majority and minority trend. Ethnicity, he added, was therefore strengthened
within the various regions and attempts were made by major groups like Yoruba, Ibo and Hausa
to culturally expand to other parts of the country as a way of consolidating their authority. Such
trends become a common norm among the politicians to employ party thugs and bodyguards,
armed with dangerous weapons.
Corruption is also identified as another major factor affecting peace and development in the
north and Nigeria as a whole is the issue of corruption. This is because epidemic corruption by
political office holders and civil servants at all levels of the government usually the citizens in
the area denied the opportunity of having the basic necessities of life. Most often, resources
meant for a particular project for a particular area in most cases are diverted to private individual
accounts through various ways. The alleged monies distributed to all traditional and religious
leaders during April 2011 general elections would serve as a clear testimony. Consequently,
when violence erupted, some of the unemployed citizens targeted som

SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF DABA
However, Yan Daba, lacked the negativism of the delinquent gangs or the short-term hedonism
that goes with street gangs. Retreat to drugs and s*x, both elements of the sociology of modern
gangs were absent. As a strictly male affair then, Yan Daba respected the cannon of the
community of parallel but complementary socialisation of different s*xes as is common in
orthodox Muslim communities. Yan Daba in their original form were not seen as deviants
(Kushee, 2008:199-212).
The Yan Daba mostly lived on the fringes of society, in secluded places spending most of the
time in petty hunting and theft, at market places and living in unfinished or abandoned buildings
(their hideouts). When not on hunting or thieving operations, live together in a form of
communal life, sharing Indian h**p (Cannabis), other more dangerous drugs and Burukutu (a
locally brewed alcohol) (Ya‟u, 2000:161-80). The contemporary identity of the Yan Daba is
completed by a predisposition to violence. Ojudu and Zorro (1988) captured the nature of the
violence of the Yan Daba, when they stated that: “They are not run of the mill thieves, the be***al
men whose goal is to inflict harm on their victims. They storm houses, such as para-troopers,
inflict injuries on their victims, r**e, sometimes kill and most often take nothing with them”
(Ojudu & Zorro (1988) as cited in Ya‟u (2000:161).
According to Wakili (2005: 484-503), the Yan Daba group largely come from among the
unemployed youth who, as a means of escaping from both their poor social background and
adverse economic conditions, take refuge in group violence. They live in secluded places called
Dada. Dada implies uncompleted buildings, illegal structures and around markets, motor parks
and along roadsides. Most Yan Daba members of the youth gangs are from poor families, jobless
and users of hard drugs and other intoxicants

Socio-economic Characteristics of Yan Daba
In Nigeria, the Yan Daba urban gang phenomenon was a product of socio-economic and political
conditions of contemporary Nigerian society. The Yan Daba groups, who transformed from
hunters to political gangsters and later urban gangsters are largely unemployed and are in the
vanguard in the ex*****on of violence in the recurring ethnic/religious violence in Kano (Bako,
1994; Yau, 1999). Bako further argued that the root of violence among the youth can be located
in the unprecedented poverty as well as the massive unemployment hunger and deprivation
among the youth thus providing an avenue for the involvement in the ethno-religious conflicts
across the country.
The Yan Daba urban gang also trained them to acquire the values and skills the society expected
them to have in order to prepare them for an acceptable adulthood. It was a means of
socialisation and a form of a passing rite into adulthood. In this respect the Yan Daba gangs were
not only harmless groups but also provided certain social services to their neighbourhood. These
include community work such as cleaning and clearing of the environment, protection of the
environment especially against theft, leadership training and collective mutual assistance such as
during ceremonies or in bad times. They also assist the law enforcement such as community
policing formation, acts as traffic wardens such as in areas where people are many and the road
is choked. The Yan Daba gangs‟ activities also provided outlets for sporting and cultural events
for community entertainment, with keen contest among various neighbourhood groups. The
background of the typical Yan Daba then was peasant based and, therefore, physical powers and
endurance were most valued. The Yan Daba were expected to be fearless, tough and capable of
comforting or withstanding dangerous encounters and situations. Any sign of weakness was seen
as unmanly and disgraceful

Historical Development of Daba in Hausa Land
It is plausible, therefore, that when such children grow up they are vulnerable (Dan Asabe)
“graduating” to the Yan Daba and subsequently becoming involved in other antisocial activities.
Prominent among the activities of the group include hanging out together to harass innocent
commuters, acting as unofficial security guards for wealthy individuals or politicians, engaging
in turf wars with rival gangs or amongst themselves, pimping for prostitutes, pocket picking and
or petty thievery, and fomenting and participating in ethno religious violence (Dan-Asabe, 1999;
Kushee, 2008; Matusitz and Repass, 2009; Salaam, 2011; Ya‟u, 2000). During their involvement
in these activities, majority of the gang members also engage in excessive drug and alcohol use.
Dabanci is the name of the institution, while the institutional role actor is Dan Daba (pl. Yan
Daba). It is a deviant institution like any other institution with sub-cultural proscriptive and
prescriptive norms governing the behaviour of its members. In other word, Daba could mean a
collection of hunters (with shared interest and geo-social origin) who usually come in a particular
place before they exit off for hunting expedition. In this context, therefore, Yan Daba comprise
of hunters. Traditionally, hunters use different weapons, like matches, axes, and thieves. Yan
Daba, whose ranks rose from between fourteen per neighborhood in 1991 to between 50 and 200
in the early 2000‟s, were the main caretakers of younger male siblings and Almajarai (Dan
Asabe, 1991). Like younger siblings, Almajarai served as errand boys while playing along the
borders of local joints. Through „Yan Daba‟ caretaking, Almajarai formed the main pool of youths from which „Yan Daba recruited. Almajarai moral aesthetics developed through
ambiguous attachments to social rituals and daily life at the mosque and to those of „Yan Daba”
and the “Daba” neighborhood street

RESURGENCE OF 'YAN DABA
Antisocial activity such as Daba is one of the violent crime that has continued to bedeviled the
residents of Kano Municipal. The activities of these Yan Daba have continued to pose a serious
threat to the people of this area. Yan Daba‟s are group of young men located in different parts of
Kano Metropolis and its environs. The group of these young men often engages in violent
confrontation not only between themselves but terrorizing residents of various parts of the state.
The groups of these youngsters usually get involved into street crimes such as, snatching of
phones, larceny, assaults, among other forms of violent acts. Yan Daba‟s are group of youngsters
under different age categories ranging between 10-30years (Dan Asabe 1991). In the past, the
issue of “Daba” has been dealt with, not until recent years when this phenomenon resurfaces
across different areas in Kano metropolis and its environs. Based on speculations of the
resurgence of Daba, different views where expressed regarding the resurfacing of the
phenomenon in Kano metropolis and the state. Some were of the view that, this problem “Daba”
has returned because of the civil or democratic dispensation in the country. According to the first
view, politicians are to be blamed for returned of the criminal behaviour in the state. On most
occasions, the politicians are one‟s who used these youngsters to support them to achieve their
political ambition. They provide them with money, drug and weapons to deal with their
opponents. While others attributed the phenomenon “Daba” to lack of employment
opportunities for the teeming population of the youths in the state.
According to Umar (2010) the reason for this criminal act among members of the gangs was the
immediate attracted rewards and gratification, enjoyed by these youngsters. Unemployment in
the state has influenced many youths to be engaged in criminal activities

A Criminologist From Bayero University Kano

Correction Behaviour Modification and Reintegration
It is very important to understand that, correction itself is a step to the destination of reintegration, in the other words, correction is a process where reintegration is achieved, meaning correction is the entrance to reintegration, therefore there will be no proper reintegration without effective correction. If society expresses fear for reintegrating offenders, that shows weaknesses in the society's correction process vis a vis the punishment. Members of the society are in doubt about whether or not the offender has properly corrected in a way that he/she can be reintegrated. At this point, the issue of behaviour modification should be given adequate attention, because society can only accept and grant reintegration to offenders only if the offenders' behaviour are modified and empirically witnessed by members of the society. It is importan however to ask how the offenders' behaviour can be modified?
In his analysis David Premack a reinforcement theorist, observed how one behaviour can influence another within an individual. Premack stated that, a less desired behavior can be reinforced by the opportunity to engage in a more desired behavior example, many parents have told their children they must finish their homework before they’re allowed to play a video game. The objective here is to develop adherence to homework in the children. The theory is named after its originator, psychologist David Premack. The Premack principle has become a hallmark

Limitations of Informal Methods of Punishments
Even though the significance of informal method of punishment towards correction cannot be underestimated, but certain things should be considered before its application. Since informal method of punishment is characterises by showing disapproval to offenders who violate the societal norms, could be effective only in correcting misdemeanour and crimes that are more of instrumental or conventional in nature examples theft, burglary, shoplifting etc,. It is important here to understand that, those who commits misdemeanor and other forms of conventional crimes, accepted the societal norms thereby, shares the same norms and associates more with other members of the society therefore, shaming, and other forms of disapproval may likely to punish them unlike other categories of offenders like rebellions who even rejected the norms of the society as argued by Robert K. Merton. In this light, rebellions can not be corrected by simply shaming or disapproval because they already disapproved what is considered as conformity by the general population. Therefore, the determination of whether or not informal punishment should be applied to a certain offender, the nature of the crime committed should be considered with a view to achieve effectiveness.

Informal Punishment

Informal Method of Punishment
Informal punishments are actions in response to someone’s behaviour that may serve to discourage nonconformity or encourage conformity to a norm, rule, or law in line with the standards of what is normal, expected, or appropriate.
Informal punishments can be enacted by any individual or group and are informal when the sanctioner has no formal enforcement role and do not use formal enforcement systems. Informal punishments that discourage or punish can include embarrassment, shame, ridicule, sarcasm, criticism, disapproval, social discrimination, exclusions among others. However, Informal punishments includes any reaction a person might have to express disapproval to an action regulated by norms
There are many different forms of informal punishment and they are the everyday workhorse for the maintenance of social order. Formal punishments are generally infrequently applied, although they are generally a strong and constant influence. Formal sanctions are most applicable for endgames rather than everyday social control. Some scholars are of the view that, informal punishments are more effective than formal punishments and formal punishments can be effective only if they are reinforced by informal punishments.

The Informal Method of Punishment
Introduction
No human societies exist without social norms, that is, without normative standards of behavior that are enforced by informal social sanctions, therefore, whenever there is violation from the standard norms of a society, the need for correction is significant. The commonly used mechanism to achieve correction is punishment. Punishment in its nature has different methods of application basically formal and informal. Each of these methods is geared towards social control meaning, the maintenance and restoration of conformity in the society, but they differs in methodology and the actors responsible for its application. While formal method involves actors of the criminal justice, informal method considers individual members of the society as the active stakeholders in its application. This presentation will focus on the informal method of punishment in the areas of its nature, examples and how it ensure correction from then we can understand its effectiveness with regards to the correction of criminal behaviour.

BORSTAL
The Gladstone Committee (1895) first proposed the concept of the borstal, wishing to separate youths from older convicts in adult prisons. It was the task of Sir Evelyn Ruggles-Brise (1857–1935), a prison commissioner, to introduce the system, and the first such institution was established at Borstal Prison in a village called Borstal, near Rochester, Kent, England, in 1902. The system was developed on a national basis and formalised in the Prevention of Crime Act 1908.The regimen in these institutions was designed to be "educational rather than punitive", but it was highly regulated, with a focus on routine, discipline and authority during the early years. Borstal institutions were originally designed to offer education, regular work and discipline, though one commentator has claimed that "more often than not they were breeding grounds for bullies and psychopaths.The Criminal Justice Act 1982 officially abolished the borstal system in the UK, introducing youth custody centres instead. As society had changed[clarification needed] the system was then already outdated especially since the late 1960s and early 1970s, with many borstals being closed and replaced with institutions called Detention Centres and, from 1972, also with Community Service Order sentences.Corporal punishment Except in Northern Ireland, the only corporal punishment officially available in borstals was the birch for mutiny or assaulting an officer, and this could be imposed only by the visiting magistrates, subject in each case to the personal approval of the Home Secretary, just as in adult prisons.Only male inmates over 18 might be so punished. This power was very rarely used – there were only seven birching cases in borstals in the 10 years to 1936.This birching power was available only in England and Wales (not in Scottish borstals).Caning as a more day-to-day punishment was used in the single borstal in Northern Ireland but was not authorised in Scotland or England and Wales.