The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute

“Those young men and women who are serving today are the grandsons and granddaughters of those heroes of World War II. And I'll tell you, they're still the best damn kids in the world.” – Ronald Reagan

Words To Live By: Informal exchanges

The Press. In this “Words To Live By,” we cover some interesting, short, informal exchanges between the President and the Press in September 1984 – Yes, the president was in the intense throes of a political campaign and at the same time, it was the height of tensions with the Soviet Union when an impromptu meeting with Andre Gromyko, the Soviet foreign minister, was arranged.

Above all, we have to remember that the story of the White House cannot be told without discussing interactions between presidents and the press. Sometimes cordial, sometimes confrontational, this relationship is fueled by the public’s desire for news about the leader of the nation and the administration’s work. Yes, all American presidents have a love hate relationship but the harsh reality is…they have to deal with them. And there are many ways to do so…former press conferences, private interviews with a selected media rep, pre-written press releases…and informal exchanges.

Still, every morning, the White House press corps gathers like a pride of lions. Marlin Fitzwater, press secretary to both presidents Reagan and Bush, said they snarl, they growl, and they are always hungry.
And so, let’s read how our 40th President feeds the lions at the gate. Here’s the first quick, informal exchange on September 2nd, 1984, when the President was heading to Marine One on the South Lawn of the White House as he was heading to California, Utah, and Illinois. And religion was the hot topic.

Q. The polls show that you don't have a chance of losing. Can you lose it?
The President. The only poll I'm going to believe in is the one they take on November 6th.

Q. What about this religious issue that's come up? Are you all overplaying it?
The President. No, but I think some people in your profession here are.

Q. Jesse Jackson said this morning that this attempt to exploit religion is going to blow up in your face.

The President. Well, he'll have to speak for himself. What I was commenting on was the great movement that has been going on, more and more, to attack religion by some who pretend that they're acting within the Constitution -- those people who would deny such things as chaplains in the military, and ``In God We Trust'' on our coins, and so forth. That's what I was commenting about. I'm not seeking to install a state religion in any way.

Q. Do you feel good about the campaign as you start this trip?
The President. Yes. I always enjoy campaigning.

Q. Are you going for a 50-State sweep?
The President. I'm going to run 1 point behind.

Q. Thank you, sir.

This next exchange occurred upon the President’s arrival at Chicago’s O’Hare airport.

Q. Mr. President, what did you mean by that new spirit enveloping America? What did you mean by that?
The President. I think it's evident every place you go. Everyone is optimistic and everyone is gung-ho to go forward with the kind of expansion we're having. We've got 6 million new jobs in the country. We've got the fastest business expansion that we've had -- 600,000 new incorporations. Everybody's ready to go.

Q. Mr. President, have you laid the religious issue to rest? Some of your aides have said that with your statement today you are finished talking about religion on the campaign trail.

The President. Well, I was only talking about it because I was speaking at a prayer breakfast, and then what I said was greatly distorted. My concern was not with government invading religion, it's with all those people that are trying to make government turn around and interfere with people's right to practice religion.

Q. Who distorted that, Mr. President, and how was it distorted?
The President. I guess it lost something in the translation.

Q. You've had a campaign kickoff, and you haven't even mentioned Walter Mondale by name. Why not?

The President. Why should I? [Laughter]

Q. Thank you; you're wonderful.

Here’s another brief exchange – this one took place on the south lawn of the white house as the president was headed to Camp David for the Weekend – September 7, 1984.

Q. Do you think that God is a Republican? Do you think that God is a Republican, as Mondale charges?

Q. Let him answer it.
The President. No. I have no answer to any of those things that what's-his-name said.

Q. Are religion and politics necessarily intertwined, as you said in Dallas?
The President. In the sense that I said it in Dallas, which none of you have correctly reported.

Q. Wait -- --
The President. The correct words to use is there is a wall of separation. And some anti-religionists are trying to break down that wall. And what I was saying was in the context of, yes, definitely, there is a connection between morality and politics, and should be, and too many neglect it.

The President was heading to Nashville, TN when he stopped to interact with the White House press corps…this one is quite a bit longer…and a bit more contentious.

Q. Why is Dobrynin coming to see you, sir?
The President. Why what?

Q. Why is Dobrynin coming to see you?

Q. Gromyko.

The President. We did agree. We're going to have a meeting. We invited him, knowing that he was coming to the United Nations.

Q. Mr. President, what about Walter Mondale's -- [inaudible].

The President. Well, again, as I say, my specifics have been there for almost 4 years. We have submitted four budgets -- three -- and one to go. And they contain all the things that we're trying to do to reduce government spending and to increase the growth of the economy, which will increase revenue. They're all there for anyone to see, including some legislation still before the Congress that Tip O'Neill has refused to allow the Congress to vote on.

Q. Tip O'Neill says that 43 billion of those cuts is in Social Security from 1981. Are you still planning to go for that?

The President. That song they sing -- he was a part of the bipartisan commission that came forth with the plan to put Social Security on a sound fiscal basis. It's been adopted. Social Security is secure as far as we can see into the next century, and we're not going to touch the benefits of the people on social security.

Q. He said in March you're going to have to take another look at Social Security, that it still needs some attention.

The President. Not that I know of. There are still two future tax increases in the Social Security payroll tax between now and 1990, which they passed in 1977 -- the biggest single tax increase in our nation's history.

Q. Will you rule out future reductions? Will you rule out future reductions for feeding programs for women, infants, and children?

The President. Right now we are spending more on those programs, on food programs, than ever before in history. Spending for food for the needy of all kinds is up 37 percent since 1980.

Q. But will you rule out a future reduction?

The President. We're looking at thousands of suggestions, most of which have to do with improving management. I still insist that government overhead for providing benefits is still much too high. You can make further budget cuts without affecting how much actually goes to help the needy.

Q. Mr. President, in your talk you're criticizing the Doubting Thomases in your speech who are putting down America. Who specifically are you talking about?
The President. Some of you might not like it if I answered that question specifically. But I've noticed that there's never a ``good news'' economic story on the evening news that was not accompanied by, or buried by, finding some individuals who have not yet benefited by the economic recovery.

Q. What's wrong with fair criticism?

The President. It isn't criticism at all. It's ignoring the fact that -- we know there are still individuals who have not been helped. The whole aim of the program is finally to get to everyone, but we also know that there are millions of people that have gone back to work, the economy is booming -- all of the figures that I've been giving in speeches. So, it would be fair to present this in a balanced way.
How come none of you've mentioned the polls?

Q. Well, what do you think of the polls?

The President. Goody. I just wanted to say, President Dewey told me to run scared and not be overconfident. So, the only poll I'm going to listen to is the one that takes place November 6th.

Q. You said that before.
The President. What?

Q. Are you going to win in a landslide this time?

The President. I'm going to run scared. Yes, I know I've said it to you before, I'm waiting for you to repeat it in your news accounts.

Q. [Inaudible] -- specific budget deficit reduction plan between now and the election?

The President. As I say, our whole economic program is aimed at this, and it's there and has been there in every budget. The deficit today would be $50 billion less if the Congress, the House of Representatives, had agreed to the cuts we asked for, beginning in 1981.

Q. Then this is all the Hill's fault?

The President. What?

Q. The deficit is all the Hill's fault at this point?

The President. Well, since they have been approving deficit spending for -- with just a few exceptions -- virtually throughout 50 years, in 42 of which they have dominated the Congress, I would have to say that they can't remove themselves from the blame. Our deficit this year is over $20 billion less than we ourselves projected that it would at the beginning of the year. And this has been brought about by the gains in the economy. And that is still the best way of approaching added revenues for government, is through improving the economic base.

Q. On a scale of 1 to 10, how much are you enjoying the campaign?

The President. What?

Q. One to 10, how much are you enjoying the campaign? With 10 being the highest?

The President. Well, I had a good time all day yesterday. I think I'll have a good time today.

For more information on the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute, including information on how to become a member, information on upcoming exhibits at the Reagan Library, and more information on the legacy of President Reagan, please visit ReaganFoundation-dot-org.

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The Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation and Institute unequivocally condemns the killing of six hostages by Hamas.

As we mourn the loss of these innocent lives, which included American-Israeli Hersh Goldberg-Polin, we are reminded of President Reagan’s words:

“When terrorism strikes, civilization itself is under attack; no nation is immune.”

This brutal act follows the deaths of an estimated 35 hostages at the hands of this terrorist organization. The United States must stand firm in its support of Israel and the safe return of all remaining hostages held by Hamas.

President Reagan believed that the government's role was to serve and support its citizens, not control them. As he famously said, 'Government is not the solution to our problem, government is the problem.'

President Reagan believed in honoring our elders and ensuring their dignity in society. His goal was to make sure the elderly of America received the respect they deserve. 🇺🇸

Words To Live By: The Republican National Convention

In August 1984, President Ronald Reagan accepted the presidential nomination, viewing the 1984 election as crucial for preserving his achievements and addressing his goals of cutting the deficit and balancing the budget. Despite ongoing economic expansion, President Reagan aimed to further stimulate the economy by simplifying the tax system and reducing government waste to create a smaller, less intrusive government. This week's "Words To Live By" revisits Ronald Reagan's remarks during his nomination acceptance in Dallas, Texas, highlighting his objectives and views on his opponent, Walter Mondale. References to San Francisco are included, reflecting the location of the Democratic convention earlier that year. Due to length, the speech has been edited, but the full version is available on our YouTube channel.

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Let’s start with a little quiz…when we say August 1984 and Ronald Reagan, what comes to mind? His acceptance of the presidential nomination, of course. It’s important to remember that the President regarded the 1984 election as pivotal …why?....because he believed the gains he had made during his first four years were in jeopardy. He wanted to preserve what he had accomplished and there were still things he wanted to do. What were those two things? You guessed it….cutting the deficit and balancing the budget.

Although an economic expansion was underway, he thought he could do more to stimulate the economy by making our tax system fairer and simpler. Our ever optimistic 40th president believed he could persuade Congress to cut more waste out of the budget and continue the process of making government smaller and less intrusive.

So for this week’s podcast, we’ll walk down memory lane with the President to read his remarks when accepting the nomination in 1984 in Dallas, Texas, what his objectives were and his thoughts on his opponent, Walter Mondale. You’ll see the President refer to San Francisco because that’s where the democrats held their convention in July of 1984. Because of the length of his speech, we’ve cut some of this speech out. You can always find his full speech on our YouTube channel.

The President: Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, delegates to this convention, and fellow citizens:

In 75 days, I hope we enjoy a victory that is the size of the heart of Texas. Nancy and I extend our deep thanks to the Lone Star State and the "Big D"—the city of Dallas—for all their warmth and hospitality.

Four years ago I didn't know precisely every duty of this office, and not too long ago, I learned about some new ones from the first graders of Corpus Christi School in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Little Leah Kline was asked by her teacher to describe my duties. She said: "The President goes to meetings. He helps the animals. The President gets frustrated. He talks to other Presidents." How does wisdom begin at such an early age?

Tonight, with a full heart and deep gratitude for your trust, I accept your nomination for the Presidency of the United States. I will campaign on behalf of the principles of our party which lift America confidently into the future.

America is presented with the clearest political choice of half a century. The distinction between our two parties and the different philosophy of our political opponents are at the heart of this campaign and America's future.

I've been campaigning long enough to know that a political party and its leadership can't change their colors in 4 days. We won't, and no matter how hard they tried, our opponents didn't in San Francisco. We didn't discover our values in a poll taken a week before the convention. And we didn't set a weathervane on top of the Golden Gate Bridge before we started talking about the American family.

The choices this year are not just between two different personalities or between two political parties. They're between two different visions of the future, two fundamentally different ways of governing-their government of pessimism, fear, and limits, or ours of hope, confidence, and growth.

Their government sees people only as members of groups; ours serves all the people of America as individuals. Theirs lives in the past, seeking to apply the old and failed policies to an era that has passed them by. Ours learns from the past and strives to change by boldly charting a new course for the future. Theirs lives by promises, the bigger, the better. We offer proven, workable answers.

Our opponents began this campaign hoping that America has a poor memory. Well, let's take them on a little stroll down memory lane. Let's remind them of how a 4.8-percent inflation rate in 1976 became back-to-back years of double-digit inflation—the worst since World War I—punishing the poor and the elderly, young couples striving to start their new lives, and working people struggling to make ends meet.

Inflation was not some plague borne on the wind; it was a deliberate part of their official economic policy, needed, they said, to maintain prosperity. They didn't tell us that with it would come the highest interest rates since the Civil War. As average monthly mortgage payments more than doubled, home building nearly ground to a halt; tens of thousands of carpenters and others were thrown out of work. And who controlled both Houses of the Congress and the executive branch at that time? Not us, not us.

Campaigning across America in 1980, we saw evidence everywhere of industrial decline. And in rural America, farmers' costs were driven up by inflation. They were devastated by a wrongheaded grain embargo and were forced to borrow money at exorbitant interest rates just to get by. And many of them didn't get by. Farmers have to fight insects, weather, and the marketplace; they shouldn't have to fight their own government.

The high interest rates of 1980 were not talked about in San Francisco. But how about taxes? They were talked about in San Francisco. Will Rogers once said he never met a man he didn't like. Well, if I could paraphrase Will, our friends in the other party have never met a tax they didn't like or hike.

Under their policies, tax rates have gone up three times as much for families with children as they have for everyone else over these past three decades. In just the 5 years before we came into office, taxes roughly doubled.

In 1980 the people decided with us that the economic crisis was not caused by the fact that they lived too well. Government lived too well. It was time for tax increases to be an act of last resort, not of first resort.

The people told the liberal leadership in Washington, "Try shrinking the size of government before you shrink the size of our paychecks."

Our government was also in serious trouble abroad. We had aircraft that couldn't fly and ships that couldn't leave port. Many of our military were on food stamps because of meager earnings, and reenlistments were down. Ammunition was low, and spare parts were in short supply.

Many of our allies mistrusted us. In the 4 years before we took office, country after country fell under the Soviet yoke. Since January 20th, 1981, not 1 inch of soil has fallen to the Communists.

Audience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!

The President. But worst of all, Americans were losing the confidence and optimism about the future that has made us unique in the world. Parents were beginning to doubt that their children would have the better life that has been the dream of every American generation.

We can all be proud that pessimism is ended. America is coming back and is more confident than ever about the future. Tonight, we thank the citizens of the United States whose faith and unwillingness to give up on themselves or this country saved us all.

Now, we're accused of having a secret. Well, if we have, it is that we're going to keep the mighty engine of this nation revved up. And that means a future of sustained economic growth without inflation that's going to create for our children and grandchildren a prosperity that finally will last.

Today our troops have newer and better equipment; their morale is higher. The better armed they are, the less likely it is they will have to use that equipment. But if, heaven forbid, they're ever called upon to defend this nation, nothing would be more immoral than asking them to do so with weapons inferior to those of any possible opponent.

None of the four wars in my lifetime came about because we were too strong. It's weakness that invites adventurous adversaries to make mistaken judgments. America is the most peaceful, least warlike nation in modern history. We are not the cause of all the ills of the world. We're a patient and generous people. But for the sake of our freedom and that of others, we cannot permit our reserve to be confused with a lack of resolve.

Then the President shifted his focus to his opponent, Vice-President Walter Mondale whom he called another classic tax and spend liberal from the new school of the Democratic party – the one that had parted company with its founders, Thomas Jefferson and his friends who believed that the least government was the best government….and that governments are not the masters of the people but the servants of the people governed. By 1984, the Democratic party, according to the President, had become the party of big promises, big government, and big taxes…yes, the bigger the better.

Now, their candidate, it would appear, has only recently found deficits alarming. Nearly 10 years ago he insisted that a $52 billion deficit should be allowed to get much bigger in order to lower unemployment, and he said that sometimes "we need a deficit in order to stimulate the economy."

Audience. Boo-o-o!

The President. As a Senator, he voted to override President Ford's veto of billions of dollars in spending bills and then voted no on a proposal to cut the 1976 deficit in half.

Audience. Boo-o-o!

The President. Was anyone surprised by his pledge to raise your taxes next year if given the chance?

Audience. No!

The President. In the Senate, he voted time and again for new taxes, including a 10-percent income tax surcharge, higher taxes on certain consumer items. He also voted against cutting the excise tax on automobiles. And he was part and parcel of that biggest single, individual tax increase in history—the Social Security payroll tax of 1977. It tripled the maximum tax and still didn't make the system solvent.

Audience. Boo-o-o!

The President. We are committed to stopping them, and we will.

They call their policy the new realism, but their new realism is just the old liberalism. They will place higher and higher taxes on small businesses, on family farms, and on other working families so that government may once again grow at the people's expense. You know, we could say they spend money like drunken sailors, but that would be unfair to drunken sailors— [laughter] —

Audience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!

The President. All right. I agree.

Audience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!

The President. I was going to say, it would be unfair, because the sailors are spending their own money. [Laughter]

Our tax policies are and will remain prowork, progrowth, and profamily. We intend to simplify the entire tax system—to make taxes more fair, easier to understand, and, most important, to bring the tax rates of every American further down, not up. Now, if we bring them down far enough, growth will continue strong; the underground economy will shrink; the world will beat a path to our door; and no one will be able to hold America back; and the future will be ours.

After quite a big of cheering from the audience, the President shared his thoughts on the Olympics which had just taken place in Los Angeles...

The President. We cheered in Los Angeles as the flame was carried in and the giant Olympic torch burst into a billowing fire in front of the teams, the youth of 140 nations assembled on the floor of the Coliseum. And in that moment, maybe you were struck as I was with the uniqueness of what was taking place before a hundred thousand people in the stadium, most of them citizens of our country, and over a billion worldwide watching on television. There were athletes representing 140 countries here to compete in the one country in all the world whose people carry the bloodlines of all those 140 countries and more. Only in the United States is there such a rich mixture of races, creeds, and nationalities—only in our melting pot.

And that brings to mind another torch, the one that greeted so many of our parents and grandparents. Just this past Fourth of July, the torch atop the Statue of Liberty was hoisted down for replacement. We can be forgiven for thinking that maybe it was just worn out from lighting the way to freedom for 17 million new Americans. So, now we'll put up a new one.

The poet called Miss Liberty's torch the "lamp beside the golden door." Well, that was the entrance to America, and it still is. And now you really know why we're here tonight.

The glistening hope of that lamp is still ours. Every promise, every opportunity is still golden in this land. And through that golden door our children can walk into tomorrow with the knowledge that no one can be denied the promise that is America.

Her heart is full; her door is still golden, her future bright. She has arms big enough to comfort and strong enough to support, for the strength in her arms is the strength of her people. She will carry on in the eighties unafraid, unashamed, and unsurpassed.

In this springtime of hope, some lights seem eternal; America's is.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless America.